Showing posts sorted by relevance for query working party. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query working party. Sort by date Show all posts

Sunday, 25 April 2010

Common Fishery Policy, Data Blogging & Transparency in the EU Council - updated


Update: See the visualisation of this blog post that I have done as a follow-up.


This blog post is definitely among the most work-, research- and lern-intensive I have ever written, and I still feel I haven't done enough, even knowing that the article is way too long for a quick read.

It is inspired by the re:publica 10 conference and the different workshops on data journalism, on data visualisation (see my first experiments and the map at the end of this post) and on farm & fish subsidies as well as the permanent discussions about making politics and government more transparent.

As you may have read in a recent post on this blog, the EU is about to reform its Common Fisheries Policy. This is absolutely necessary seeing the overfishing of our seas and the severe attacks on many marine species by the industrial fishery. Not to talk about reports on illegal fishing by EU vessels.

Part of this larger reform process is the "Council Regulation (EC) No 1224/2009 of 20 November 2009 establishing a Community control system for ensuring compliance with the rules of the common fisheries policy". This regulation inter alia deals with supervision and sanctions regarding fish quotas and other rules set in the Common Fisheries Policy.

(Update:) There is also a case in front of the European Court of Justice against the Council and this Regulation, as the the Council Legal Service informed on Friday, a fact I wasn't aware of when writing this post.

The Regulation has been passed last November after one year of discussions, and since most documents have been made public afterwards it is worthwhile looking at the discussion process more in detail.

Those of you who work with EU institutions know how painful it is to track EU policy developments. And most of you will agree that it is particularly difficult to track what is going on in the EU Council; even ex post it is almost impossible to follow in detail what has been said and written behind the scenes.

The Council Regulation 1224/2009 is both, a good example of these difficulties and an exceptional case because of the amount of national positions that are publicly available. And since it is a Council Regulation I will also only focus on the decision-making process in the Council.

To start the research on the decision-making, we should begin with two possible sources of documentation and help, the PreLex dossier of the regulation and the Council website on the Council configuration for agriculture and fisheries. But if you follow the two links, you will first notice that the Council website is nothing but embarrassing and that PreLex only lists a very limited number of Council documents, despite the fact that the Council was the main institution in this process and despite the fact that there are many more documents as you can see below.

Since we don't get much help over there, we need to do in-depth research on our own. Most documents that you will find in this article have been found via the advanced search in the online archive of the Council (see recent statistics), the rest was found via Google or added from PreLex.

So let's tell some parts of the story of Council Regulation 1224/2009:

On 14 November 2008, the European Commission published the Draft Council Regulation (81 pages plus explanatory memorandum) together with an extensive Impact Assessment, which, as always, initiated the whole policy process.

In the Council, the Working Party on Internal and External Fisheries Policy, a group of national experts from all member states, started working with this draft regulation on 15 January 2009. In its meeting on 22 January, the experts got a presentation of the legislative proposal by the Commission followed by a first exchange of view.

Afterwards, the Working Party continued its work on 29 January, on 5 February, on 12 February, on 19 February, on 5 March and on 12 March, examining the draft regulation article by article.

After the meeting on 12 March, several member states submitted their first comments and amendment proposals (chronological order): Italy, Bulgaria, Poland, Estonia, Greece, Sweden, Spain, Latvia, Germany, Portugal and the Netherlands.

These comments were included in the discussion at the Working Party meeting on 27 March. Until the next meeting on 2 April, Finland and Ireland filed their remarks, followed by Lithuania. These first 14 submissions by member states continued to be the basis for the following meetings on 7 April, on 16 April and on 21 April.

The Working Party meetings until mid-May did not have the Draft Regulation on their agenda, but several member states sent in their first, some already their second comments on the initial draft: United Kingdom, Poland (2nd), Belgium, Denmark, France, Spain (2nd), Sweden (2nd), Portugal (2nd), the Netherlands (2nd), Bulgaria (2nd).

Then, on 20 May 2009, a commented draft proposal (doc. 10152/09; almost 150 pages) preceded by a summary of comments from the member states and the Commission was published. Interesting to note is that, on the same date, an internal negotiation document (DS 329/09) that is not listed in the Council register was issued as a compromise basis for further negotiations during the Working Party meetings on 28 May, on 4 June, and on 11 June. This compromise proposal was revised several times in the discussions (see below) and it contains intermediate consolidated versions of the draft regulation.

Following these meetings and based on a number of questions asked by the Czech Council Presidency on 5 June, the national ministers meeting in the Council on 23 June 2009 held discussions on the draft regulation. Their answers to the questions raised by the Presidency are summarised in a document published three days after the Council meeting.

Around the date of the Council meeting and afterwards, several delegations also published new comments on the draft: Denmark (2nd), Slovenia, Belgium (2nd), Estonia (2nd), Germany (2nd), Slovakia, Lithuania (2nd), Denmark (3rd) and Latvia (2nd).

Based on these contributions, the Council Secretariat prepared a new negotiation draft until 3 July; the text is laid down in the revised meeting document DS 329/1/09 (see PDF from page 7; document not available on the Council website). This draft then was discussed in the following Working Party meetings on 9 July, on 15 July and on 22 July.

These discussions were followed by new comments and drafting proposals by several delegations: Bulgaria (3rd), Belgium (3rd), the Netherlands (3rd), Slovenia (2nd), United Kingdom (2nd), Cyprus, Denmark (4th), Ireland (2nd), Malta, Finland (2nd), Greece (2nd), Italy, Estonia (3rd), Germany (3rd), Latvia (3rd) and France (2nd).

Probably based on these contributions, the Working Party discussed the second revision of meeting document DS 329 (not available on the net) on 10 September . The Working party meeting on 14 September continued this work.

For the Working Party meeting on 18 September, the fourth revised version of the meeting document DS 329/4/09 (Word format!) was issued on 16 September. Also on 18 September, the date of the Working Party, Portugal issued their third written comments, followed by France, the last written comment by the member states in the preparatory phase.

On 25 September, a new draft proposal (13597/09 ADD 1) was published. According to the Council Secretariat it contained only minor changes compared to the fourth version of the negotiation document DS 329 (see above).

This proposal was then examined by the Working Party on 1 October, followed by a report for COREPER on 2 October. The report summarises the different positions of the member states at this point of the negotiations and requests COREPER to deal with these diverging opinions.

After its meeting on 7 October, COREPER sent another report to the upcoming EU Council on 19 October, reporting to the ministers which issues had not been sorted out by the diplomats and which needed political agreement on the highest level (quite a lot actually when you look into the document).

According to a note issued by the Council Secretariat on 5 November, the October Council then came to a political agreement, which subsequently led to a final compromise proposal (DS 641/09, not in Council register) put forward by the Swedish Presidency in agreement with the Commission on 23 October. This proposal was sent to the next Council meeting for final approval.

The Council Regulation was finally approved by the Council meeting on 20 November 2009 and published in the Official Journal (50 pages) on 22 December 2009, entering into force on 1 January 2010.

Of the 27 member states, only Finland abstained, the rest voted in favour. The summary of Council acts (pp. 20-23) includes special statements by the Commission, Finland, Italy and Slovenia. The Finnish statement makes clear that its abstention could also be understood as a "No".

This is the whole documentation of the process as far as I could track it within the Council.

You may have noticed that I didn't talk about any content, but going through the amount of documents would take days, and I am also no expert on fisheries.

It could still be worthwhile comparing the different draft versions of the regulation and the positions of individual member states. Or one could compare the drafts and the national positions with the positions of national and European lobby organisations. Maybe there is some open source software that could help doing this. Or some scientist with the time and budget to do so.

What we lack are meeting reports from the Working Party and Council meetings, which one probably could get from the Council Secretariat or from the national ministries in charge of fisheries. This would demand further journalistic investigation. These documents would help to get a more detailed view into the real discussion process.

Altogether, one can see the absolute complexity of EU negotiations and EU law-making. The regulation was passed last year and at the time only few actors were actually likely to be able to track the decision-making process while it was going on. Still, it is on us to retrace those processes and make them accessible to the public if the Council is not willing to become more transparent in its day-to-day work.

But even if we would have "A Leaking Union" there would be the need to follow closely every document that is coming out and policy experts would need to analyse new drafts and changes regarding their technical meaning and their influence on the policy process. Data blogging and data journalism and meticulous research cannot be replaced even if everything is public.

Somebody needs to find the right documents and somebody needs to filter the relevant from the irrelevant. Believing that this could be done in its entirety by voluntary work is an illusion.

In the end, this post has become way too long and has cost way too much time, but I hope I was able to show the length and depth of decision-making in the Council on this particular issue. What I would have liked to have was a simple tool to put all the links I have assembled above in a simple timeline so that it would be easier to track the process visually and to click at any point in time to see what was on the agenda - but that will be a task for the future.



On the map below you find a marker for every EU member state. When you click on the marker you will get a link to the fish subsidies the country has received in the past and the comments and amendments tabled in the decision-making process on Council Regulation 1224/2009 described above.

Thursday, 26 November 2009

Limiting Ashton's power: The role of the rotating Council Presidency in foreign policy

With the nomination of van Rompuy and Ashton for the two major top posts, it looked pretty clear that the coordination of the EU's foreign policy will now be handed over to these two persons and their administrations.

Yet, as I have explained earlier, the rotating Council Presidency will not disappear but will chair all Council configurations except for the Foreign Affairs Council that will be chaired by Ashton.

However, I just discovered a freshly published Council document regulating the role of the rotating Council Presidency in the preparatory work of the Foreign Affairs Council. This document is definitely limiting the powers of Ashton and is restricting her freedom to work freely with her own diplomatic service:
The chairmanship of the preparatory bodies of the Foreign Affairs Council referred to in categories 1 to 4 in the table below shall be organised as follows:

1) Category 1 (preparatory bodies in the area of trade and development)

The preparatory bodies shall be chaired by the six-monthly Presidency.

2) Category 2 (geographic preparatory bodies)

The preparatory bodies shall be chaired by a representative of the High Representative.

3) Category 3 (horizontal preparatory bodies, mainly CFSP)

The preparatory bodies shall be chaired by a representative of the High Representative, except the following preparatory bodies, which shall be chaired by the six-monthly
Presidency:
- Working Party of Foreign Relations Counsellors (RELEX);
- Working Party on Terrorism (International Aspects) (COTER);
- Working Party on the application of specific measures to combat terrorism (COCOP);
- Working Party on Consular Affairs (COCON);
- Working Party on Public International Law (COJUR); and
- Working Party on the Law of the Sea (COMAR).

4) Category 4 (ESDP related preparatory bodies)
The ESDP related preparatory bodies shall be chaired by a representative of the High Representative.
This means that although Ashton is going to chair every Foreign Affairs Council, the prepared documents coming into these meetings from the Working Parties won't have always been co-ordinated by the External Action Service but also by the rotating Council presidency.

And even where Ashton can chose the chairpersons of the working groups, she is limited by the member states (own highlights):
Where ... a preparatory body (PSC and relevant working parties) shall be chaired by a representative of the High Representative, the responsibility for appointing the chair shall belong to the High Representative. These appointments shall be made on the basis of competence, while ensuring adequate geographical balance and transparency. The High Representative shall ensure that the person he or she intends to appoint as chairperson will enjoy the confidence of Member States.
Looking at this document one can see that the coherence in the European Union's foreign policy is unlikely to emerge, with the member states fighting to keep control over certain key areas, limiting the power(s) of the Foreign Minister.

I might be mistaken, but this looks like bringing further disorder into the European institutions that are already very hard to understand and control.

Supplement: Eurogeek has correctly pointed to the fact that this is not new but has already been discussed for some time, as shows this "L'Europe de la Défense" article from 31 October 2009.

Saturday, 31 January 2009

UK abstains when voting on EU terror list

Some days ago I have reported on the decision of the EU to remove the Iranian opposition group PMOI from the EU's terror list.

Now, wondering through the endless stream of Council documents, I have found a document titled "Outcome of Proceedings of the CP 931 Working Party meeting held on 8 January 2009" which looked so strange that I needed to have look into it.

Without mentioning any names, this document summarises the decision to take of PMOI from the terrorism list. And it indicates (taking into account previous discussions where the UK objected) that most probably the United Kingdom might have abstained when it came to the vote on this matter, showing that despite the decision of the Court the UK would not have been convinced it was wrong.

PS: And just out of curiosity I learnt that the CP 931 Working party is the "Working Party on implementation of Common Position 2001/931/CFSP on the application of specific measures to combat terrorism" (the terms of reference of this working party can be found here).

Sunday, 12 April 2009

Examples of law-making in the Council: Measures for the recovery of the stock of European eel

Law-making is very intransparent in the Council of the European Union; getting the preferences of the different actors in the process is very hard and extremely time-consuming.

One problem is that positions put forward by member states are not made public in time, and that the presentation of these documents is not at all citizen-friendly.

Take for example the Council Regulation establishing measures for the recovery of the stock of European eel which has been published in the Official Journal of the European Union on 18 September 2007.

If you wanted to see the opinions of your country on the proposal by the Commission from 6 October 2005, you had to wait until this weekend to find the respective documents published.

I have tried to assemble all those more than 70 documents made public now, so that you do not need to search on your own, just to show what you have "missed" so far.

Member states' comments in November 2005:
Working Party on Internal Fisheries Policies (January/February 2006)
Member states' comments in February 2006:
Member states' positions in June 2006:
COREPER meeting on 15 November 2006:
Compromise proposal 06 February 2007:
Positions in January & February 2007:
In March 2007:
In April 2007:
Input from May 2007:
All these documents have been published only now. I am sure that these are not all documents, and that with a little research I would find a bunch more. And we are just talking about a minor issue - eel - and the situation is much worse for other policy areas and more sensitive topics.

The time it took to put together this blog post is already way to much.

How can you expect any citizens to do this, look for hours for two or three documents that concern the position of its country during a European law-making process, or even to put together the full set of positions of all member states?!

And so far, I haven't analysed a single document. I have just put them together. The next step would be to analyse the individual positions and to see how these figure in the different intermediary documents and in the final regulation. But this would implicate much more research, going well beyond these Council documents.

What I want to say is that we get relevant documents late, we get them in a bad presentation, and we need to enter into an almost scientific research process to understand who got what, which position came through, what was ignored, etc.

And since the regulation is already 1 1/2 years old: Who will involve in such an effort? - No journalist will take the time to do so, and my resources as an individual blogger are way to limited to do this on a regular basis.

In the end, most decision-making within the Council, even if well-documented and finally publicised, will never become truly public and transparent - just because this transparency demands retrospective efforts that the institutional side doesn't want to bear and that the democratic society cannot take on its shoulders alone.

Thursday, 16 April 2009

Council Working Party on Information to discuss access to information regulation recast and... Web 2.0

Next Tuesday, 21 April 2009, the EU Council Working Party on Information meets (agenda) and there are two interesting points under the agenda item 2 "Access to documents":
a. Seventh annual report of the Council on the implementation of Regulation No 1049/2001 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 30 May 2001 regarding public access to European Parliament, Council and Commission documents

d. Proposal for a Regulation (EC) of the European Parliament and of the Council regarding public access to European Parliament, Council and Commission documents (recast of Regulation (EC) No 1049/2001)
This revision of the Regulation 1049/2001 on access to documents will show how the European Union and institutions take their democratic responsibility, in particular seeing how the Commission handles (in-)transparency and seeing how incredible inscrutable the Council works. At least, some governments, in particular from the north, have raised their concerns about the information access legislation, and now the Dutch government seems to join them.

In parallel to the Council's discussions, the European Parliament is working on this regulation recast (co-decision procedure), and the issue has gone into the first reading and first initial votes in Parliament on 11 March 2009.

On the agenda of the Working Party on Information there is also another interesting issue under any other business:
"Club of Venice: Workshop on Internet/Web 2.0 communication and on the implementation of the EP's communication strategy for the European elections (Brussels (IPC), 17 April 2009)"
I didn't hear about this "Club of Venice" before, and there are not too many references to this thing. What I found is this information (own translation):
Created some twenty years ago, this informal Club gathers today the governmental information services of the European Union as well as the DG Communication of the Commission with the goal to exchange information and good practices.

The Club of Venice meets twice a year, once in Venice and once in the capital of the EU Council Presidency.
In other words, staff of the member states' governments and Commission officials will meet tomorrow to discuss the information campaign of the European Parliament and the use of web 2.0.

But neither the Council website nor the responsible Commissioner Margot Wallström (in her blog or on the DG's website) talk about this event.

That is not even Web 1.0...

Thursday, 21 May 2009

European patent regulation and litigation: Council progress report

The EU Council is working on two major issues regarding patents at the moment:
  • a Regulation of the Council on the Community patent
  • an Agreement creating a Unified Patent Litigation System
The preparatory work for both of these issues is done by the Council Working Party on Intellectual Property, and now the Competitiveness Council will deal with these issues next week (28-29 May 2009).

For this purpose, the Czech Council Presidency has prepared a progress report (five readable pages) from which I could see that the major topic of the Unified Patent Litigation System will be the setting up of a European and Community Patents Court for which an updated draft agreement and draft statute have been published in March.

Article 14a of the agreement defines the legal scope of this Court that shall replace "the current fragmented patent litigation system" (progress report):
Article 14a Applicable law

(1) When hearing a case brought before it under this Agreement, the Court shall respect Community law and base its decisions on:
(a) this Agreement;
(b) directly applicable Community law, in particular Council Regulation (EC) No … on the Community patent, and national law of the Contracting States implementing Community law […];
(c) the European Patent Convention and national law which has been adopted by the Contracting States in accordance with the European Patent Convention; and
(d) any provision of international agreements applicable to patents and binding on all the Contracting Parties.
(2) To the extent that the Court shall base its decisions on national law of the Contracting States, the applicable law shall be determined:
(a) by directly applicable provisions of Community law, or
(b) in the absence of directly applicable provisions of Community law, by international instruments on private international law to which all Contracting Parties are parties; or
(c) in the absence of provisions referred to in (a) and (b), by national provisions on international private law as determined by the Court.
The Council Regulation on the Community Patent has seen a latest draft version in April, and it looks like work will continue for a while, since the progress report states that this revised version "should form the basis for further discussion and work on the outstanding issues in the coming months" (highlighted by me).

Finally, the Czech Presidency concludes the progress report with the following outlook:

"With respect to the unified patent litigation system, the Presidency, in line with the wishes of a large majority of Member States, believes that the Council should request an opinion of the [European Court of Justice] on the compatibility of the unified patent litigation system with the EC Treaty. Finally, the Presidency considers that the Working Party should continue work with a view to enabling the Council to reach an overall agreement on both files as soon as possible."

Monday, 25 January 2010

Handbook on Terrorist Organisations

Did you know that the EU is working on a "Handbook on Terrorist Organisations"?

It could be that this thing already exists although the search term on Google doesn't produce any results. But in the summary of discussions of the last meeting of the EU Council Terrorism Working Party (agenda item 6) there is a short hint to the "update and distribution" of this handbook.

Oh, and in the same document we learn that representatives of Marriott Hotels International Ltd and of the Rezidor Hotel Group were invited to speak about terrorist threats and the difficulties to combine hotel work and vigilance during the working party meeting.

I feel more protected now.

Wednesday, 26 November 2008

EU institutions discuss protection of copyright for performance on phonograms

Discussions are going on between the European Commission, the Council of the European Union and the European Parliament whether to prolong the period of protection of copyright for performances on phonograms from 50 to 95 years.

As explained in a Council report for the next Competetiveness Council on 01 and 02 December published on Monday (here; PDF) the changes in the copyright directive (2006/116/EC) were proposed by the Commission in July 2008 (here). The goal of the changes is to "introduce a uniform method of calculating the term of protection which applies to a musical composition with words".

On the basis of this proposal, the Working Party on Intellectual Property (Copyright) of the Council was discussing the issue.

On 23 October 2008, the French EU Council Presidency proposed a compromise, but the EU Commission rejected several arguments brought forward by member states in a non-paper, where it is inter alia said that:
  • Payments by broadcasters, bars and discotheques would not increase
  • Retail prices would not increase
  • A term extension would benefit overwhelmingly European performers
Afterwards, the Council Working Party has considered the topic again on 18 November 2008 on the basis of a revised compromise proposal by the French Council Presidency.

The European Parliament "has [also] been consulted on the same proposal under the co-decision procedure but has not yet given its opinion at first reading. That opinion is expected in February 2009."

Without going into too many details, this inter-institutional discussion looks like many others on copyright before, between the poles of free competition vs. protectionism, interests of established artists vs. interest of new artists etc.

Saturday, 26 September 2009

Parliamentary elections in Portugal and Germany

National elections in EU member states concern the lives of citizens not only in the respective countries but in all countries of the Union.

Through the policy-making power of the EU Council and the guiding weight of the European Council, governments influence the European political agenda as well as the outcome of negotiations on the European level, possibly even including the level of the working groups in which administrators and diplomats prepare and discuss future legislation.

So tomorrow, the parliamentary elections in Germany and Portugal might or might not change the lives of European citizens. In both countries, the polls predict a win by the leading governing party, but the way they can govern is unsure:

In Portugal, the latest poll foresee that the Socialists will remain the strongest power, although they won't be able to hold the absolute majority and might be forced into a minority or coalition government.

Since I am no expert in Portuguese politics, let me focus on the German case:

In Germany, Angela Merkel's Christian Democrats (CDU) will very likely win the elections (see the latest opinion polls) while the unwished present coalition partner, the Social Democrats with their candidate foreign minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, might receive the worst result in the history of the Federal Republic.

The question will be whether Merkel's CDU (together with its Bavarian sister party CSU) will have a majority together with Guido Westerwelle's Liberals (FDP) - the polls are very tight - to form a coalition of the economic right led by Merkel or whether Merkel will have to continue with the Social Democrats.

The two other parties likely to enter into the Bundestag, the Left Party (DIE LINKE) and the Greens (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen) don't seem to have a power option because all likely (triple) coalitions that include them have either been categorically ruled out by the other three parties or by the two themselves.

The most likely result of tomorrow will thus be that Angela Merkel remains the Chancellor of Germany, not matter what the election result.

However, a renewed but shrunk Grand Coalition (Christan Democrats and Social Democrats) will be less stable than it was in the previous term, risking not to hold for another four years.

A "Tiger Duck Coalition" (term created during this campaign because the two colours of the tiger duck represent the Christian Democrats and the Liberals) in return will mean a shift in policies towards the economic right, but it will also create a stronger opposition of the then concentrated left and centre-left that might slow down German decision making in crucial policy areas, especially through the counter-balance of the second chamber, the Bundesrat, in which the federal states co-legislate and in which the CDU/FDP coalition would only have a tight majority that might change after regional elections in one or another major federal state (two minor federal states - Brandenburg and Schleswig-Holstein - are voting tomorrow, too).

Both scenarios would influence the German government's ability to act - in substance or speed - on the European level in the next 2-4 years, not least because of the strengthened position of the legislative branch after the Lisbon Treaty ruling of the Constitutional Court and the subsequent adaptation of the by-laws regulating the involvement of the two legislative chambers, Bundestag and Bundesrat.

The only small surprise factor in tomorrow's result might be the Pirate Party, probably the first party movement boosted by European dynamics (especially in Sweden), that could gain a visible part of the (extended) youth vote. The party running mainly on new technology, file sharing, and data protection issues was able to create considerable attention during the early stages of the campaign but wasn't able to keep up the pace of the traditional media (although the overall campaign was extremely boring and low key, not too far away from the European Parliament election campaigning). So I expect that they will reach the 2-3 percent tomorrow, not crossing the electoral threshold of five percent.

I myself won't be able to report during the day tomorrow because I'll be working in a polling station, but for anyone who wants to get a glimpse at the debates and who is able to speak German, I recommend following the #btw09 hashtag (short for: "Bundestagswahl 2009") on Twitter.

I'll then try to give a summary when I return late in the evening on Sunday, or at least to link the most interesting reports of others.

Read also on the topic: A Fistful of Euros.

Thursday, 15 October 2009

Fingerprints, migrants, and police cooperation between EU member states

Often it is really hard to track member states' positions on crucial issues, like data protection or migration - but sometimes you can find some very interesting things.

In September, the Commission issued a Proposal for a Council Decision on
"requesting comparisons with EURODAC data by Member States' law enforcement authorities and Europol for law enforcement purposes"
This proposal - criticised already in June by the European Council on Refugees and Exiles in a memorandum (PDF) - starts with the following assessment:
"Fingerprint data is especially useful information for law enforcement purposes, as it constitutes an important element in establishing the exact identity of a person. The usefulness of fingerprint databases in fighting crime is a fact that has been repeatedly acknowledged.

Fingerprint data of asylum seekers are collected and stored in the Member State in which the asylum application was filed, as well as in EURODAC.

[...]

However, while Member States successfully access asylum seekers fingerprints on a national level, it seems that access to asylum seekers fingerprint databases of other Member States is more problematic. The reason is that there is a structural information and verification gap since there is currently no single system that is accessible to law enforcement authorities which enables to determine the Member State that has information on an asylum seeker.
"
As a consequence of this assessment and following the analysis of what is already possible under EU law, the Commission proposes the following:
"The proposed action establishes the basis for the right of Member States as well as Europol to request a comparison of fingerprint data or a latent with EURODAC data. A successful comparison with result in a 'hit' reply from EURODAC, which will be acompanied by all data that is held in EURODAC regarding the fingerprint. Requests for supplementary information following a hit would not be regulated in the proposed Council Decision but rather be covered by existing instruments on the exchange of law enforcement information.

The scope of the proposal will be the fight against terrorist offences and serious criminal offences, such as trafficking in human beings and drugs.
"
Today, a summary of discussions of the Police Cooperation Working Party of the EU Council on 30 September 2009 has been published. And interestingly, the positions of the member states regarding the proposal have been recorded - and only Belgium seems to be totally against it:
"A vast majority of delegations (AT, CZ, DE, DK, EE, EL, FI, HU, IT, LV, LT, SL, PT, PL, UK, SE, MT, NL) welcomed the proposal and expressed their support to it.

BE indicated that, although significant progress had been made since the discussions on this issue in 2007 which resulted in Council Conclusions on access to Eurodac for law enforcement authorities, it continued to have serious concerns about this proposal.

Various delegations introduced a scrutiny reservation (AT, BE, CY, CZ, EE, EL, FI, IR, LT, MT, NL, PT, SE, SI, SK, UK), and/or a Parliamentary reservation (DK, MT, NL, PL, SE, UK).
"
The next meeting of the Working Party is set for Monday, 19 October 2009 - maybe someone in Brussels could try to follow up on this?!

Tuesday, 12 July 2016

Explaining EU abbreviations: APF and APSA and the African Union

Even after following EU affairs closely for a decade now, I still find EU abbreviations I've never heard off. Today I stumbled over APF and APSA.

On the 13 July 2016 agenda of the Africa Working Party of the EU Council, there is the agenda item "APF - APSA request". Nothing more. This is the type of document that makes EU decision-making hardly intelligible, even if it has become much more transparent in recent years.

So, what is behind the abbreviations:

  • APF: is the African Peace Facility is the EU's "the main source of funding to support the African Union's and African Regional Economic Communities' efforts in the area of peace and security", with almost €2 billion EU money from the European Development Fund since 2004 (Source)
  • APSA: is the African Peace and Security Architecture is linked to the African Union and it has "the goal of preventing, managing and resolving conflicts on the continent". The idea is that, thanks to this architecture in the making, the African Union can "intervene in a member state in grave circumstances, such as genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity." (Source)
In South Sudan, where there has been a breakout of violence in recent days, is only a member of the East African Community. The African Union only has a Liaison Office (kind of an embassy).

The African Union Commissioner for peace and security, Smail Chergui, was still concerned about the violence in South Sudan, showing that the mechanisms on the agenda of the Africa Working Party, although just two abbreviations, actually links to developments that concern more than just 30 experts sitting around a table in Brussels.


Wednesday, 24 February 2010

New Council working party: "Sport"

According to a fresh Council document, the EU Council is going to create a Working Party on Sport - because according to Article 165 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU (TFEU) the Union now has a competence in the area of sport.

Wednesday, 12 November 2008

A glance at science: European party politics

The Journal of European Public Policy is dedicating its last issue (n° 8) of the year 2008 to European party politics.

The issue covers the role of parties with a specific look to different EU institutions, starting from Parliament and including also the Commission, the EU Council, as well as the European Council.

I don't have access to the full texts of the individual articles today, but as soon as I have I will give you a short insight into everything interesting. So far, let me list their titles so that you get an idea about what science is working these days:

  • Party politics as usual? The role of political parties in EU legislative decision-making - Authors: Lindberg, Bjorn; Rasmussen, Anne; Warntjen, Andreas
  • Who leads, who follows? Re-examining the party-electorate linkages on European integration - Author: Hellstrom, Johan
  • Decision-making dynamics in the European Commission: partisan, national or sectoral? - Author: Wonka, Arndt
  • Party soldiers in a non-partisan community? Party linkage in the European Parliament - Author: Rasmussen, Anne
  • Are political parties controlling legislative decision-making in the European Parliament? The case of the services directive - Author: Lindberg, Bjorn
  • Parties in the Council? - Authors: Hagemann, Sara; Hoyland, Bjorn
  • Party politics in the European Council - Authors: Tallberg, Jonas; Johansson, Karl Magnus
  • The party political make-up of EU legislative bodies - Authors: Warntjen, Andreas; Hix, Simon; Crombez, Christophe
  • Towards a partisan theory of EU politics - Author: Hix, Simon

Without knowing the exact content of the issue it is hard to evaluate its pertinence or quality; however, taking into account the titles of the articles, I suppose that they will provide those of us interested in the backgrounds of European decision-making with a number of usefull insights for our practical work and our blogging activities.

If anyone of you has already read one of these articles, feel free to comment! If not, I will come back as quick as possible with my own remarks.

Read also the follow-up to this article with a discussion of some of the articles.

Sunday, 25 April 2010

Lisbon Wars II: The Council, the Parliament & international trade

You may remember that some time ago I have covered a letter sent by the European Parliament Committee on International Trade to the Council regarding the EP's involvement in international trade affairs. I've also reported about the provocative draft response from the Council.

Below you find the changes in the text from the first draft response presented by the Spanish Presidency (the one I covered) compared to the final draft response (Update: revised version with annex) now made public after three Working Party meetings.
Dear Mr Moreira, 
I am replying on behalf of the Council to your letter dated 25 February 2010 concerning cooperation between the European Parliament and Council in the area of the European Union's Common Commercial Policy. 
As you state in your letter, the Lisbon Treaty provides for some significant changes in the area of Common Commercial Policy. These changes reinforce the democratic legitimacy of EU commercial policy and bring its the legislative procedures in this area into line with those that already apply to most other economic issues. The Council is of course ready to work together with the Parliament, within the limits established by the treaties, to ensure that these new provisions are fully and effectively implemented. 

The treaties set out the procedures governing the negotiation and conclusion of international trade agreements. While the Parliament's consent is required for the conclusion of trade agreements where Article 207 TFEU is the substantive legal base, Article 218 (7) TFEU provides for the possibility for the Council to authorise the negotiator to approve on behalf of the Union modifications to an agreement through a simplified procedure. Furthermore, Article 218 (9) provides for the establishment of positions to be adopted on the Union's behalf in a body set up by an agreement, when that body is called upon to adopt acts having legal effects. In both these cases the consent of the Parliament is not required. 

As you state, the treaties require the Commission to report regularly to both the Trade Policy Committee (TPC) and to the European Parliament on the progress of negotiations. One has also to note that In addition Article 207(3) TFEU also specifically provides for the TPC to be consulted by the Commission on the conduct of the negotiations and assist the Commission in the negotiations. 

Regarding the specific proposals which you set out in your letter, I have the following comments. 

On the issue concerning information related to the Council's preparatory bodies in the fields of Commercial Policy and Economic Cooperation, the Council is happy to provide lists of these bodies to the Parliament. The current list is annexed to this letter. As far as the frequency of meetings is concerned, these vary, but a regularly updated calendar of the meetings of all the Council's preparatory bodies can be consulted on the Council's website (details are also in the annex). In order to keep this information updated, and in order to ensure that there is the regular exchange of such practical information necessary to support the new working relationship in commercial policy, contacts between the General Secretariat of the Council and the INTA Secretariat should be intensified. The General Secretariat of the Council will also invite each presidency to notify you with the contact details of the ministers and officials who have been designated to engage with the Parliament on commercial policy. Furthermore, the General Secretariat of the Council can provide the names of the members of the Foreign Affairs Council and, to the extent possible, of the ministers responsible for trade. 

The Council shares your view on the importance of effective cooperation and dialogue between the Parliament and Council with respect to international trade agreements, while of course respecting the treaties, which do not confer powers of action on the Parliament with respect to the preparation, negotiation and monitoring of trade agreements. With regard to negotiations, the provisions of Article 207 (3) in fine apply. 

The Council recalls that the relevant minister from the rotating presidency normally appears before your committee at both the beginning and end of its period in office, and considers that this practice is positive and should continue. Furthermoreand that these contacts could be stepped up when key trade dossiers reach a crucial phase, the Council favours these political contacts being stepped up in order to facilitate greater clarity and, if necessary, convergence of positions. 

The Council is also ready to build on the existing good relations between your committee and the TPC. It considers in particular that opportunities for direct contacts, such as your recent lunch with members of the committee, will become increasingly important. The Council also favours exchanges of views between yourself (together with INTA coordinators) and the Chair of COREPER II. In general, exchanges of views and contacts with the Chair of the TPC should also become remain an important channel for reciprocal exchanges of information and scheduling of work. As far as the particular issues of meetings of the TPC are concerned, the Council holds that the current arrangements on participation should remain unchanged in order to preserve the specific prerogatives of the committee as set out in the treaties. 

The Council is also open to more wide-ranging contacts where this would be useful. It will however be for each presidency to determine the exact nature of these contacts depending on the progress on individual dossiers and on specific issues which might need to be addressed during its period in office.

The Council considers that these arrangements, taken together, should enable us to exchange information more efficiently and rapidly, thereby ensuring full and effective implementation of the new provisions on the Common Commercial Policy as introduced by the Lisbon Treaty. Since commercial policy is, by definition, directed towards our international partners, both the Council and the Parliament will wish that the new arrangements will strengthen the EU's performance in this part of the international arena. The Council looks forward to continuing its dialogue with the Parliament in this area, in particular through further contacts between yourself and the Chair of the Trade Policy Committee.

Yours sincerely faithfully,

For the President of the Council Chairman of the Permanent Representatives Committee
It is hard to judge how the discussions went on in the Council Working Party on General Affairs, but it seems to me that the final draft response is even weaker in its concessions to the European Parliament than the Presidency draft.

This is most notably underlined by the deletion of the sentence "reinforce the democratic legitimacy of EU's commercial policy" at the beginning of the letter, showing that the Council doesn't see any change in the Lisbon Treaty.

When the this letter will be approved and sent to the Parliament, it will be very interesting to see how the International Trade Committee will react...

PS.: In case I missed anything in the comparison, please tell me in the comments so I can correct it.

Friday, 1 August 2008

Tracking: EP elections 2009 (VI)

EurActive has published a long article titled "European Elections: Outlook for 2009".

While most of the article deals with general questions (e.g. voter turnout, political groups etc.) and history, for those of you rather familiar with the European Parliament it is still worth scrolling down until the section "Strategies to re-engage European voters: What the parties are doing".

Some quotes:
For the 2009 campaign, the EGP [European Green Party] plans to do [...] “a common campaign” and events planned in several European capitals such as Rome and Prague. [...] "In some countries, the common campaign will be 99% of the campaign because they do not want to add a national touch to it, whereas in other countries the common campaign might only make up 15%."

To re-engage with its voters, the PES [Party of European Socialists] has therefore chosen to polarise the debate along traditional left-right political fault lines.

Whether the EPP [European Peoples Party] will be able to translate its political strategy into a coherent common campaign for the 2009 election ... remains to be seen. And it is not certain either that such a programme will appeal to its core voters, especially in countries with a traditionally more critical stance towards Europe.

The European Liberals and Democrats (ELDR) [...] have only recently started discussing their strategy. The party manifesto will be based around four themes, the first being foreign, security and defence policy. Future discussions [...] will take place on the themes of "Liberal Europe" (understood as civil liberties) and the EU single market.
For more details, I recommend reading the complete article, that offers quite some food for thought and discussion.

One issue that I would like to raise is connected to the following quote:
[A] vicious circle of voter apathy has developed among EU citizens, fuelled by a lack of clear-cut power struggles which in turn diverts media interest away from the election.
For me, this points at one of the biggest problems:

Mainstream media are looking for the same old power struggles at the European level that they are used to from national politics. They are unable to tell an interesting story about something that is different from the usual boring games of politics. For me, it is rather interesting to see a British Labour party MEP, a Swedish conservative, a Romanian Liberal and a Latvian Green working on the same question in very similar directions than hoping that they have to clash over everything just because they belong to different party affiliations.

From my point of view, we will only get more interest in EU and general European matters if the media - and I include us bloggers to a certain extend - will become able to tell new stories in a new fashion. We should not try to project our old national and political stereotypes onto situations that have nothing to do with what we observe locally or nationally.

It is in the nature of things that European matters are more complex, because there are more people, more institutions, more cultures, more geographical and political interests involved in every single matter. So what? Then let's try to tell a complex story in new words and story lines.

And that we add more complexity does not mean that we have to make it more complicated! We just have to make it different, innovative in the true sense of the word.

If we manage, the European story will become interesting and European politics will become more democratic - not just because we have changed institutions but because we have changed interest in European matters and created the inherent need to participate - in European parliament elections but especially beyond.

------------------------------
Under the category "Tracking: European parliament elections 2009" I am following up national and European activities on the path to the European Parliament elections 2009.

For an overview over all articles in this category have a look at the overview article.

For the five newest post see also the sidebar.

Thursday, 14 May 2009

European Parliament elections 2009 (105): A volunteer's look at the elections in Latvia

Since I plan to go to Daugavpils in Latvia for the European Parliament election day, I was interested in how others might look on the situation in the country.

A German volunteer working in Latvia reports on Youthreporter.eu from Latvia in an article titled "Keine Ahnung" ('No clue'):
"In a country that is not as big as Bavaria and that has not as much inhabitants as Saxony-Anhalt there are more than 10 parties running for the elections this year. The translations of the parties' names brings up illustrious names like "Latvia's Way", "People's Party, "New Era", "Latvias First Party", "For Fatherland and Freedom", "Latvian Social Democratic Workers' Party", "For Human Rights in United Latvia", or Socialist Party of Latvia".

The first five are rather conservative, patriotic, and anti-Russian. The last three are rather belonging to the left-wing, pro-Russian side. In between there is the "Union of Greens and Farmers", which has not much in common with the Western image of a Green party; they are also quite conservative but more oriented towards the protection of the environment and the interests of farmers.

All parties have in common that they see a remarkable amount of reproaches for corruption and ... a frequent change of personnel. If a party becomes inconvenient for a politician, he just changes to the next one. And with the personnel also the thematic focus of the parties change, so that you don't have a voter base for parties but for individual politicians.

Regarding the election campaign for these elections, you can find giant billboards in Riga and also in other big cities, active street campaigning, flyers on sidewalks and in waste bins. The newspapers are full of electoral advertisement for individual parties, too.

On the other side, almost all students and pupils I have spoken with about the elections have to admit that they don't now much about politics. They don't believe any promise of any politician in Latvia. [...]
"
(own translation)

------------------------------
Under the category "European parliament elections 2009" I am following up national and European activities on the path to the European Parliament elections 2009.

For an overview over all articles in this category have a look at the overview article.

For the five newest post see also the sidebar.

Sunday, 21 March 2010

COSI - A new important Council body on EU internal security

On 11 March 2010, the newly established Standing Committee on operational cooperation on internal security (COSI) of the EU Council met for the first time.

This working party composed of member states experts from the capitals (thus not from the permanent representations in Brussels; source) was formally set up by the Council on 25 February and is regarded by the Council as part of the major changes of its working structures in Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) after the Lisbon Treaty ratification.

COSI will have the task to
facilitate, promote and strengthen coordination of operational actions of the authorities of the Member States competent in the field of internal security. (Article 2)
Citing from Article 6 of the Council decision, the European Journal remarks that
[w]hereas the committee is required to report its activities to the Council, the Council solely is required to “keep the EP and national parliaments informed.” Hence, such committee will not be subject to a proper parliamentary control.
The scope of the work of the committee looks pretty broad, including a number of controversial security issues discussed in the member states and the EU.

From the summary of discussions of the first COSI meeting we learn that one of the tasks of the committee could be to deal with mutual assistants of member states in case of terrorist attacks as well as in case of natural or man-made disasters (cf. Article 222 TFEU).

Other fields of activity concern "the exchange of personal data for law enforcement purposes", "counter-terrorism measures", "PNR" (Passenger Name Records), all topics on the agenda before the summer, as well as the plan for an EU "internal security strategy" which the Commission wants to propose after the summer of 2010. In this regard, the committee is also interested in the co-operation of the EU internal security agencies CEPOL, Eurojust, Europol and FRONTEX whose representatives can be allowed to participate in COSI meetings.

This new committee looks like one of the new major players in the EU's internal security policies on the side of the EU governments - and I hope the European Parliament and national parliaments will be able to counterbalance its weight in the years to come.

Supplement: In the Council search you can find, for example, the latest agendas or summary of discussions in which COSI is mentioned.

Supplement 2: 16 member states have issued their comments regarding the tasks that COSI should take over. Unfortunately, the documents are only partially public so you don't see which country has sent which questionnaire.

Thursday, 5 February 2009

Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA): EU Council work - updated

Next Tuesday (10 February 2009), the EU Council Working Party on Intellectual Property has the controversial Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) on its agenda.

According to the agenda of the meeting, the Civil enforcement chapter and the Internet provisions of this international agreement for a more rigid protection of intellectual property will be presented by the Commission and discussed by the member state representatives.

As usual, these discussions take place behind closed doors, so we will not get any details before everything will have been dealt with by diplomats and bureaucrats.

And by the way: The responsible administrator in the EU Council is Leonidas KARAMOUNTZOS, who seems to working in the field of intellectual property inside the EU institutions for quite some time: If you google his name, you will find documents that show that he is at least 10 years in this field.

I am not sure that such a sensitive area with raising attention should be covered such a long time by the same bureaucrat... it sounds like an invitation for lobbyists!

Update (14 April 2009): The negotiation documents of the ACTA negotiations have been leaked (via Netzpolitik)).

Tuesday, 30 September 2008

European Parliament elections 2009: Overview article

UPDATE (26 April 2010): The European University Institute has published an eBook with Country Reports (~3 MB; PDF) on the European Parliament elections in all EU member states.


This article provides an overview over the more than 120 posts in the "European Parliament elections 2009" category in this blog.

For 11 months, from July 2008 to June 2009, I have been following the road to the European Parliament elections 2009, and this road was bumpy but extremely interesting.

I will continue to cover European politics and also the consequences of the elections but this special category has now ended.

For newer articles related to the elections use the tag "European Parliament elections 2009"!



Election results: BBC / European Parliament online / Wikipedia

The new MEPs by country: EP website

------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Link to the FINAL article: 07 June 2009

A summary and outlook, a final expression of disappointment - and my hope that we can make the European Parliament better!

Link to article N° 120: 06 June 2009

On the last day, Europe-wide interest is still low, and it looks as if the peak is already behind us.

Link to article N° 119: 06 June 2009

Why the early publishing of results in the Netherlands is right and no problem for the rest of the EU.

Link to article N° 118: 06 June 2009

On the continued ignorance of the European Parliament elections.

Link to article N° 117: 05 June 2009

EUX.TV and The European Citizen on the elections in the UK and the Netherlands.

Link to article N° 116: 04 June 2009

The media ignores the EP elections and Obama dominates the headlines with his Cairo speech.

Link to article N° 115: 04 June 2009

The elections are finally there.

Link to article N° 114: 29 May 2009

A hat tip to Charlemagne criticising the PES for criticising the wrong people.

Link to article N° 113: 27 May 2009

The end of the turnout panic. What turnout panic?

Link to article N° 112: 26 May 2009

After almost 11 month of coverage in this blog, my interest in the election campaign has hit rock bottom.

Link to an article outside the series

This blog will be archived for the online archive of the British Library.

Link to article N° 111: 21 May 2009

The EP web editors' plans to cover the election night.

Link to article N° 110: 20 May 2009

I have voted.

Link to article N° 109: 17 May 2009

It looks like the 2009 campaign analysis will not be much different to 1999 and 2004.

Link to article N° 108: 16 May 2009

Mark Mardell's (BBC) view on the disinterest in the EP elections.

Link to article N° 107: 15 May 2009

Another one on the media coverage of the election campaign.

Link to article N° 106: 15 May 2009

An EP election anecdote by famous EU scholar Andrew Moravcsik.

Link to article N° 105: 14 May 2009

A young volunteer's report from the Latvian pre-electoral campaign.

Link to article N° 104: 13 May 2009

Young Greens and Free Alliance Youth attack the other youth organisations for being conformist.

Link to article N° 103: 13 May 2009

PES leader expresses disappointment about not having a socialist candidate for the European Commission Presidency.

Link to article N° 102: 13 May 2009

On young candidates for the European Parliament: LYMEC.

Link to article N° 101: 12 May 2009

The three largest European political party youth organisations issue joint statement, together with Barroso, against youth abstention.

Link to article N° 100: 11 May 2009

The election campaign finally starts off, with articles and activities all around.

Link to article N° 99: 09 May 2009

The official EP campaign spot is a total fail!

Link to article N° 98: 07 May 2009

A could-be viral video campaign by the European Parliament is teasing for the EP elections.

Link to article N° 97: 05 May 2009

The famous American "Don't vote!" campaign has been Europeanised.

Link to the first guest post on Th!nk09

Why there are no true Europe-wide election campaigns.

Link to article N° 96: 04 May 2009

Very few EU expats are expected to vote.

Link to article N° 95: 03 May 2009

A look at party communication in Slovenia.

Link to article N° 94: 02 May 2009

Some remarks on Libertas.

Link to article N° 93: 01 May 2009

An interview with a Dutch EP candidate.

Link to article N° 92: 29 April 2009

An outlook on the EPP electoral Congress in Warsaw.

Link to article N° 91: 28 April 2009

The French justice minister ridicules the election campaign by strange behaviour.

Link to article N° 90: 27 April 2009

A youth campaign in Germany is trying to raise electoral turnout. Here: A panel discussion with EP President Pöttering.

Link to article N° 89: 25 April 2009

A funny negative campaign has started in Germany.

Link to article N° 88: 24 April 2009

My Twitter coverage of the PES campaign launch event.

Link to article N° 87: 24 April 2009

On campaign billboards in Austria (Greens and Social Democrats).

Link to article N° 86: 20 April 2009

A discussion on whether the Scottish are underrepresented in the EP.

Link to article N° 85: 19 April 2009

The deficits of the EP's information and motivation campaign in Germany.

Link to article N° 84: 18 April 2009

Why not campaigning for the tourist vote?

Link to article N° 83: 16 April 2009

An exchange of open letters between PES and ELDR

Link to article N° 82: 16 April 2009

A hint to a press review on the recent Eurobarometer results and an appraisal of eurotopics

Link to article N° 81: 15 April 2009

Some critical remarks on the open letter of PES leader Rasmussen to the ELDR and on the usage of bloggers for campaign purposes.

Link to article N° 80: 14 April 2009

How the latest results of the Eurobarometer survey and Twitter discussions relate to the European Dream.

Link to article N° 79: 10 April 2009

An opinion on the "Can You Hear Me Europe" campaign of MTV and the EU Commission.

Link to article N° 78: 09 April 2009

An appeal for more campaign exchanges of European parties' campaigners.

Link to article N° 77: 07 April 2009

A new website promises more accurate predictions of the election results.

Link to article N° 76: 07 April 2009

PES and JEF activists campaign with an open letter for a PES rival candidate against Barroso.

Link to article N° 75: 04 April 2009

Discussing the European Green Party manifesto.

Link to article N° 74: 02 April 2009

Up to 38 lists could run in Germany.

Link to article N° 73: 02 April 2009

A probable future MEP for the German Green Party reports about pre-election challenges.

Link to article N° 72: 01 April 2009

Some harsh comments from Lithuania on the EP, MEPs, and the upcoming elections.

Link to article N° 71: 31 March 2009

A Romanian newspaper remarks the national character of the European elections.

Link to article N° 70: 29 March 2009

Some interesting Polish candidates.

Link to article N° 69: 24 March 2009

On my disappointment that the EP campaign is so low-scale until now.

Link to article N° 68: 19 March 2009

A new platform will help EU citizens to make their choice for the elections.

Link to article N° 67: 17 March 2009

Discussions about the EP's awareness and civic education campaign for the 2009 elections.

Link to article N° 66: 16 March 2009

The daughter of Romania's president wants to become MEP.

Link to article N° 65: 16 March 2009

European Greens sponsor bloggers for their congress.

Link to article N° 64: 13 March 2009

Main European Youth organisations call for a true European election campaign.

Link to article N° 63: 12 March 2009

UK's Tories leave the EPP.

Link to article N° 62: 11 March 2009

On a sad story from Slovakia: Young MEP candidate dies in car accident.

Link to article N° 61: 10 March 2009

Czech parties use the internet more than ever, and the opposition might win the elections.

Link to article N° 60: 09 March 2009

On low turnout expectations in Romania and political parties' reactions thereto.

Link to article N° 59: 03 March 2009

Spanish newspaper El Mundo features EP elections on its website.

Link to article N° 58: 02 March 2009

Visibility problems of the elections in Latvia and funny questions from non-informed citizens.

Link to article N° 57: 27 February 2009

A link to a presentation of Slovenian candidates.

Link to article N° 56: 25 February 2009

Why Bulgarians don't vote.

Link to article N° 55: 24 February 2009

A combined poll that predicts the outcome of the EP elections: EPP + PES with majority.

Link to article N° 54: 24 February 2009

Wikipedia statistics show rising interest in EP elections.

Link to article N° 53: 23 February 2009

Low participation expected in Bulgaria.

Link to article N° 52: 18 February 2009

A French opinion poll on voters' preferences for the EP elections.

Link to article N° 51: 18 February 2009

EU Commissioner Hübner is going to fight Libertas during the EP campaign.

Link to article N° 50: 13 February 2009

Taking a look at the EPP manifesto.

Link to article N° 49: 12 February 2009

Europe Direct offers special election infos in the field.

Link to article N° 48: 12 February 2009

A reference to Grahnlaw's explanation of the legal foundations of the EP elections in EU law.

Link to article N° 47: 11 February 2009

The PES PR machine starts working, inter alia with their campaign website, which also contains the list of top candidates.

Link to article N° 46: 04 February 2009

ELDR launches new website without major innovations.

Link to article N° 45: 29 January 2009

The EPP will present its draft manifesto and its new platform DialogueTV.

Link to article N° 44: 29 January 2009

ELDR is campaigning for the EP presidency but expects just 100 seats in the new Parliament.

Link to article N° 43: 28 January 2009

French Minister Michel Barnier uses blog, Twitter, and Facebook for his online campaigning.

Link to article N° 42: 26 January 2009

The European Peoples Party (EPP) is confident to win the elections but does not seem very interested in campaigning for them.

Link to article N° 41: 21 January 2009

The EP has put up an unambitious sub-site on the European elections.

Link to article N° 40: 20 January 2009

The European Greens have started to develop their online campaign.

Link to article N° 39: 16 January 2009

I feel a raising interest in the elections; and there is still no full list of all candidates for all countries.

Link to article N° 38: 15 January 2009

The German Left spends 3 Million Euro for the EP election campaign.

Link to article N° 37: 14 January 2009

Young European conservatives seem to ignore the reality of young Europeans by letting their party ignore the internet.

Link to article N° 36: 11 January 2009

A link to the discussion of a recent UK poll for EU elections voting preferences and astonishment that Nosemonkey does not plan to vote.

Link to article N° 35: 10 January 2009

A closer look at the Party of the European Left, including the electoral manifesto.

Link to article N° 34: 08 January 2009

The Liberals in the European Parliament (ALDE) propose their leader Graham Watson (UK) as candidate for the next President of the European Parliament.

Link to article N° 33: 07 January 2009

This article contains a link list to the United Kingdom (UK) party/candidates' lists for the EP elections.

Link to article N° 32: 02 January 2009

Jon Worth predicts boringness to rule the election campaign.

Link to article N° 31: 23 December 2008

A new website managed by future journalists takes a look at the European parties.

Link to article N° 30: 15 December 2008

A comparison of the manifestos of ELDR and PES.

Link to article N° 29: 09 December 2008

The PES considers the Obama campaign as an example, but its manifesto slogan reveals old-style political thinking.

Link to article N° 28: 08 December 2008

The EU Commission expects a disaster for the 2009 elections.

Link to article N° 27: 05 December 2008

The visibility of the European Parliament elections is close to zero, and not much will happen to change this.

Link to article N° 26: 18 November 2008

A discussion about the danger of far-right parties to win considerably at the 2009 EP elections.

Link to article N° 25: 11 November 2008

Wikipedia statistics for the article on the European Elections 2009 shows rather low interest in the matter.


Link to article N° 24: 07 November 2008

Cafe Babel will soon launch a website that will follow the EP election process, while Facebook ignores the existence of these elections.

Link to article N° 23: 06 November 2008

In Finland, the electoral campaign for the European elections is too expensive for many candidates.

Link to article N° 22/2: 05 November 2008

Twitter for EU President (i.e. Parliament)! And how useless it is to use the internet for the EP elections.

Link to article N° 22: 04 November 2008

The President of the European Parliament has visions, coffee eases the vote, and the European Liberal Democrats have a manifesto as well as some encouraging words.

Link to article N° 21: 17 October 2008

The European Green Party (EGP) proves that the communication of the European parties regarding the 2009 elections is deficient. And Commissioner Wallström held a speech on communication problems ahead of the EP elections.

Link to article N° 20: 15 October 2008

Google will launch a special news service for the 2009 European Parliament elections.

Link to article N° 19: 10 October 2008

The conservative Czech Prime Minister wants a new conservative and eurosceptic political group in the European Parliament. The UK merges local and European election dates. More female candidates could lead to more women participating, and a British Liberal wants transnational lists as well as a lowered voting age.

Link to article N° 18: 03 October 2008

Anti-EU activities in Sweden and Greece, foreign voter registration in Malta, and confusion in Great Britain.

Link to article N° 17: 27 September 2008

The Party of European Socialists (PES) announces one single campaign and Commissioner Wallström reports tensions in the European Parliament.

Link to article N° 16: 25 September 2008

Summary of the Eurobarometer special report on the European elections 2009.

Link to article N° 15: 20 September 2008

The European Peoples Party (EPP) agrees on a policy paper on demographic challenges. Nothing new from other European parties.

Link to article N° 14: 19 September 2008

Low expected voter turnout in Estonia and Irish local elections on same day as European Parliament elections. Online campaigning is the future - but still a distant one for the European Union.

Link to article N° 13: 17 September 2008

Italy changes its electoral law for the EP elections and the Nice Treaty is the most probable legal basis for the 2009 elections.

Link to article N° 12: 16 September 2008

French Greens and German Liberals discuss their candidates. Europe is divided in left-right as well as into pro-EU and contra-EU.

Link to article N° 11: 10 September 2008

Political parties and candidates in Estonia, Poland, Greece and the Netherlands are preparing their electoral campaigns. The Bulgarian prime minister participates in programmatic discussions and an Irish is launching a pro-EU campaign.

Link to article N° 10: 28 August 2008

Germany's Social Democrats nominate their front-runner hoping to also make him the next German commissioner.

Link to article N° 09: 18 August 2008

Hungarian preparations for the electoral campaign.

Link to article N° 08: 09 August 2008

Schedules and planned activities of the European Parties - Peoples Parties, Socialists, Liberals, Greens - for their electoral campaigns.

Link to article N° 07: 06 August 2008

Discussions in Poland, Czech Republic, Greece and Malta about the political dimension of the elections. Some Greens propose an all-European campaign and Italy will pass a new electoral law for the European Parliament elections 2009.

Link to article N° 06: 01 August 2008

Discussion about European Parties' strategies for the elections as well as about the media coverage of European politics in general and the EP elections in particular.

Link to article N° 05: 28 July 2008

Remarks on the European Socialists' discussion about having a joint European campaign.

Link to article N° 04: 23 July 2008

Estonians might be able to vote via mobile phone at the European elections.

Link to article N° 03: 17 July 2008

Short look at European parties' schedules for the EP election campaign.

Link to article N° 02: 14 July 2008

The PIRIDEU project will track the European Parliament elections scientifically.

Link to article N° 01/2: 13 July 2008

Spanish hopes for the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty.

Link to article N° 01: 08 July 2008

Introduction to the category and a look at the European parties' webpages to see their state of preparation for the European Parliament elections 2009.